Saturday, November 22, 2025

How CDC and FDA Defrauded the American Public about Serious Vaccine Harms

How CDC and FDA Defrauded the American Public about Serious Vaccine Harms


How CDC and FDA Defrauded the American Public about Serious Vaccine Harms

In a fascinating book released in September, Vaccines, Amen. The Religion of Vaccines, lawyer Aaron Siri explains how the American public was systematically misled by the very institutions they are supposed to trust. 

Via numerous lawsuits, Aaron brought many deeply buried, politically inconvenient facts to light, and he is very factual, which is uncommon for vaccine books. They are usually emotional and far too critical of vaccines, or far too positive, with little in-between, which is where the truth is.

The value of lawyers cannot be overestimated. Nothing hurts like the truth about healthcare, which is why we badly need lawyers to dig it out. When drug policy researcher Alan Cassels reviewed my 2025 book, How Merck and Drug Regulators Hid Serious Harms of the HPV Vaccines, he concluded that “If you want the real truth about drugs, don’t ask doctors – ask lawyers.”  

Another quote on my book cover is from Martin Kulldorff, the current chair of the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) at the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC): “Drugs and vaccines can heal and save lives, but also harm. That puts our lives in the hands of pharmaceutical companies. Can we trust them? In this well-documented book, the clear answer is: NO.”

It is essential to understand this. We know very little about the harms of vaccines because most of the data come from substandard and flawed trials performed by drug companies, which leave out important adverse events from their publications and avoid, with virtually no exceptions, to compare their vaccines with a placebo. 

As an expert witness in a lawsuit against Merck, I read 112,452 pages of confidential study reports and uncovered multiple instances of scientific misconduct in which the drug agencies were complicit. It turned out that Gardasil, an HPV vaccine, causes serious and persistent neurological harms, which drug regulators have denied. 

Aaron explains right from the start why vaccines are sacrosanct. People never say they believe in cars but many say they believe in vaccines, without having the data needed to provide an informed opinion. I found the same when I analysed BMJ articles about Kennedy’s much-needed vaccine reforms; it was all about faith, not about science. 

Aaron has used lawsuits to demonstrate that vaccinologists have a self-reinforcing belief system whose dogmas do not stand up to scrutiny in court. His takedown of Stanley Plotkin, the “high priest” of vaccines, during a deposition is a masterpiece in exposing that the emperor has no clothes when claiming that childhood vaccines are safe and have been carefully tested. 

Plotkin was unable to understand why his earnings of hundreds of millions of dollars from royalties and his close alignment with the interests of the industry could influence his views on vaccines. He didn’t know that safety monitoring in certain trials only lasted 4-5 days after vaccination, which is way too short to capture autoimmune adverse events. Worst of all, Plotkin stated that certain vaccines don’t cause certain harms, or he stated that they were rare, without having any evidence in support of his wishful thinking. 

In 1986, manufacturers were granted almost complete immunity from liability for injuries caused by vaccines. This meant they had no incentive to ensure that vaccines are safe before they brought them onto the market. People can file claims against the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), which is therefore not interested in having any of its agencies, including the CDC and the Food and Drug Agency (FDA), publish studies demonstrating vaccine harms – a perfect set-up for the industry. 

HHS was required to submit to Congress biennial vaccine safety reports but a lawsuit revealed that it had not sent a single report in 30 years. 

HHS was also required to make recommendations to improve vaccine safety, but after a single report decades ago, the only thing it did was disband the task force that was responsible for this. Aaron’s group also found out, after having complained in court about redactions in emails, that the CDC had a cozy relationship with Big Pharma and made policies about vaccine safety with the companies while refusing to work with citizen groups concerned about safety. 

Vaccines have saved millions of lives. Smallpox is estimated to have killed around 500 million people in the last 100 years of its existence and the vaccine eradicated the disease. However, vaccine zealots claim that also currently, vaccines save millions of lives in the Western world, which is not true. Aaron shows that there was a huge decline in infectious disease mortality between 1900 and the introduction of modern vaccines, which started with the diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis (DTP) vaccine in 1949. In the year before the introduction of each of 12 childhood vaccines, only about 5,000 people in total died from these diseases in the United States, which means that the combined life-saving effect must have been very small. 

The DTP Vaccine

The DTP vaccine is the most used vaccine in the world, but Peter Aaby and other Danish researchers found in several studies that the vaccine increased total mortality in Guinea-Bissau. When Aaron asked UNICEF if they had evidence that the opposite was true, they referred to an inconclusive 2014 WHO report. Astoundingly, they did not comment on Aaby’s 2017 study, which was performed to address concerns WHO raised in 2014 about his previous studies. 

In 2019, Aaron asked me to review the research, which was revealing. Aaby found that the DTP vaccine doubled mortality even though all the biases he documented in his observational study favoured the vaccinated group. He also found that all studies that had analysed existing data sets collected for other purposes suffered from substantial biases that led to an underestimation of the harms. 

I consider Aaby’s findings much more convincing than the WHO report, which had major issues. The authors were not allowed to meta-analyse the studies, likely because the WHO didn’t want to run a risk of receiving a systematic review that suggested that the DTP vaccine increases total mortality. Moreover, the way WHO’s experts handled the data was inconsistent and scientifically inappropriate. 

Even though two of the three authors of the WHO report were senior researchers in the Cochrane Collaboration, editor-in-chief Karla Soares-Weiser and statistician Julian Higgins, editor of the 636-page Cochrane Handbook, which describes how to do reliable systematic reviews, they used vote-counting (how many studies are for and how many against?), which is a method recommended against in the Cochrane Handbook. It was truly bizarre. 

Aaby published another study in 2018 that I also commented upon and which also showed an increase in mortality. Yet again, UNICEF didn’t do anything but emails exchanged with the CDC revealed that both agencies were concerned about avoiding personal exposure and not about whether a vaccine might kill children. The metric of success in the vaccine field is not survival or childhood health but vaccine uptake. 

Supporting the False Narrative by Deception and Lies

Aaron provides other examples to demonstrate that our institutions are more focused on supporting the official, false narratives than on providing honest information. When studies show that vaccines increase deaths, they are by default deemed unreliable, but when the same kind of studies show that vaccines reduce deaths, they are reliable. During Covid-19, reductions in mortality were ascribed to vaccines, but when mortality increased despite continued vaccinations, the authorities pulled the data from public view. This also happened when it turned out that the more doses people received, the greater the risk of Covid infection. 

Drug companies and authorities lied repeatedly by claiming that certain vaccines, e.g., against Covid, can prevent transmission. GlaxoSmithKline even tried to sell more vaccines by encouraging old people to get vaccinated against whooping cough to protect their grandchildren, but the pertussis vaccine does not prevent infection or transmission. Aaron’s firm successfully sued GSK for its false advertising.  

That most childhood vaccines fail to prevent transmission makes it particularly repulsive to mandate those vaccines as a condition for school entry, but all US states mandate vaccines for school enrollment. Even the HPV vaccine has been mandated in the US, although the disease is sexually transmitted, which hopefully does not occur in the classroom. Aaron argues that the more a product needs to be coerced, the more one should be concerned about that product. 

In the US, newborns get vaccinated against hepatitis B on the first day of life, even though this disease is typically transmitted by sex or drug users sharing needles. The vaccine was approved by the FDA based on a study of 147 children monitored for 5 days after vaccination, and with no control group. 

When Aaron sent a legal demand to HHS about why clinical trials for childhood vaccines did not include a placebo control group, the agency lied: “Many pediatric vaccines have been investigated in clinical trials that included a placebo.” Not a single childhood vaccine on CDC’s routine schedule has been studied in placebo-controlled trials before licensure, but in a public dispute with Aaron, Plotkin’s best-known disciple, Paul Offit, claimed that all vaccines are tested in such trials before licensure. He even argued that it would be cruel to use a placebo control, so, if we accept his explanations, they mean that he, Plotkin, and their colleagues are cruel. 

As Aaron soberly explains, in a placebo-controlled trial, children are left unvaccinated only for the duration of the trial. In contrast, injecting a vaccine into millions of children in an uncontrolled setting without first assessing its safety in a placebo-controlled trial is, to any objective, reasonable observer, grossly unethical conduct. Childhood vaccines are used in healthy children to benefit very few. The requirements for vaccines should therefore be much greater than for other drugs, but there are virtually none. This may be the most appalling neglect we have in all of healthcare. 

Offit falsely claimed that 16 children had died in a polio trial on “placebo” as he called it but it was not placebo and the true number was 4. 

Aaron documents that new vaccines for the same disease are compared with older vaccines, and when the adverse events are the same, it is concluded that both are safe. This is like saying that cigars are safe because they cause similar harms as cigarettes. He dryly remarks that “This is not something I would have ever thought to dream up,” and he holds so-called fact-checkers to the fire. They believe that the claim that routine childhood vaccines were not licensed based on a placebo-controlled trial is false but have not bothered to look up the facts in primary sources such as publicly available FDA documents. 

A CNN article from June 2025 is particularly “amusing.” It listed 258 studies at the time (it now lists over 1,000) and Dr. Jake Scott from Stanford University claimed that 153 tested vaccines against placebos. But, as Secretary Kennedy made clear in his response, not one of these studies included a placebo or was otherwise relied upon by the FDA to license a vaccine on the CDC’s routine childhood schedule.

Moderna abandoned development of its RSV vaccines after placebo-controlled trials had shown more serious respiratory infections in the vaccine groups. There had been problems before. An RSV vaccine trial in the 1960s infamously sent 80% of vaccinated children to the hospital and two died. Apparently, the vaccine primed their immune system so that during an infection, helpful T cell responses were blunted and high levels of ineffective antibodies were produced, forming dangerous airway-clogging complexes. 

The dengue vaccine, used in the tropics, is another example of why we cannot assume vaccines are safe. It worked well for children who had already been infected, but in other children, it increased the risk of severe disease, which can be fatal. This was only revealed because the trial was placebo-controlled and because safety was monitored for five years. 

Aaron describes how virtually all serious adverse events in vaccine trials with no placebo control are dismissed by researchers on drug company payrolls as being unrelated to the vaccine, which they cannot know, as they don’t know which harms a new vaccine might cause. This type of deception was common in Merck’s Gardasil trials. 

Aaron quotes a letter that references some research that links vaccines to autism, which I have reservations about that I shall not discuss here, as this issue requires rigorous reviews of the research. But I have dismissed the popular idea in anti-vaccine circles that the CDC did anything wrong in the study where they did not find any association with the MMR vaccine; I have explained why Andrew Wakefield’s retracted study in the Lancet was fraudulent, on many counts; and I have published critical comments on one of the autism studies.  

Obviously, it is important to do high-quality research on this issue. Even though much of the increase in autism diagnoses is artificial, caused by lowering the bar for making a diagnosis and by increased attention, it is also a fact that cases of profound autism have increased. 

It cannot be disputed that vaccines can cause serioussometimes deadly, harms, which was confirmed in reports from the Institute of Medicine. However, our institutions have failed us badly, and a systematic review from 2014 by the Agency for Health Research and Quality is a good example of this. 

The review was supposedly about vaccine safety but the real goal was to increase vaccine uptake: “increasing vaccination rates remains critically important,” which is a wrong premise for studying vaccine harms. Moreover, the authors stated that new vaccines must undergo rigorous processes before receiving approval and that they meet “stringent criteria for safety,” which is so wrong that it looks like a propaganda pamphlet from a drug company.  

Aaron explains how flawed this colossal review is (740 pages). Virtually all the included studies were conducted by drug companies or by people funded by them, and the agency’s claim that they had an unvaccinated control group was wrong, as people also got vaccines in the control group.

More Dirty Tricks by the CDC and the FDA

In 2013, HHS commissioned the Institute of Medicine to review the safety of the CDC childhood schedule including the occurrence of asthma, autoimmune diseases, autism, and other neurodevelopmental disorders. The institute could not find a single study that had compared health outcomes in vaccinated children with those in children who had not received any vaccines. They revealed their bias in the conclusion, which is very odd: “There is no evidence that the schedule is not safe.” I see. So, if the brakes in a new car model have never been tested, the reassuring conclusion would be: “There is no evidence that the brakes don’t work.” 

The institute asserted that it is possible to compare vaccinated with unvaccinated children by using databases such as the Vaccine Safety Datalink (VSD) established by the CDC. 

It would have been easy for the CDC to do such a study but they never did, or at least never published it, if they did one but didn’t like the results. Instead, they produced a 64-page report about how such a study should be done. 

When scientists using the VSD found that vaccines cause various harms, the CDC moved the database to a health industry trade association to avoid Freedom of Information Act requests and to assure that studies it approves confirm that vaccines are safe. 

It would be easy to deidentify personal data and make the database publicly available but, as Aaron says, “that is not how the religion of vaccines works.”

It is very burdensome to report adverse events to the available database (VAERS) and fewer than 1% are reported. When Harvard researchers developed a system for automatic reporting, which would also provide a denominator – the number of people vaccinated – the CDC killed the project although a CDC sister agency had funded it, and the CDC refused to communicate with the researchers. 

When the CDC did an analysis that revealed massive safety signals for the Covid-19 vaccines, as compared with other vaccines (using proportional reporting ratios), they lied about it. Aaron’s firm asked for the data, but the CDC claimed they had not done the analysis they had planned to do. It was only after pressure from Senator Ron Johnson (R-WI) that the CDC admitted that they had the data. 

Aaron’s firm sued the CDC to get the data, which showed that the CDC’s own threshold for triggering a safety signal was blown away for numerous serious adverse events, including cardiac events, multisystem inflammatory syndrome, and deaths. 

Let me explain, plain and simple: The CDC defrauded the American public. And when they launched a smartphone-based tool, V-safe, that the public could use for reporting adverse effects of the Covid vaccines, they also deceived people to an unbelievable extent. There were 10 listed symptoms that occurred within the first week after vaccination, which were those that normally occur with vaccines. The CDC omitted to include known or suspected harms of the Covid vaccines in the checklist, including myocarditis and stroke, which, in my view, is scientific misconduct. 

The public could report health impact data weekly for the first 6 weeks, and after 3, 6, and 12 months. The CDC published over 40 studies based on V-safe but in all of them, health impact data were only those reported in the first week after vaccination. This is also fraud. The CDC furthermore claimed that free-text data should not be released because they contained protected personal information. This is an invalid argument, as data can be pseudonymised. 

After over two years of legal demands and federal litigation, Aaron got hold of the missing data. They showed that 8% of V-safe users needed medical care after vaccination, on average 2-3 times, and 75% were urgent care, emergency room, or hospitalisation. An additional 25% reported missing school or work or being unable to do normal activities. 

We cannot even trust the randomised trials, as they also grossly underestimate vaccine harms. When my wife got the AstraZeneca Covid vaccine, she became terribly ill, with insomnia, fever, severe headache, muscle aches, nausea, dizziness, and loss of appetite. She needed to stay home from work for four days. On day three, she was slow-cerebrated in a way we had never experienced before. The first 13 colleagues at her hospital department (she is professor of clinical microbiology) also became so ill from the vaccine that they needed sick leave. By definition, when you can’t work, it is a severe adverse effect. So, 100% in her department had a severe adverse effect caused by the vaccine, but in AstraZeneca’s trial report in the Lancet, only 1% had a severe adverse reaction.

I had never seen such a large discrepancy before between what a company publishes and what people experience. By far most of the subsequently vaccinated 35 people at her department also became so ill that they needed a sick leave.

The FDA also defrauds the American public. When Aaron tried to get data on Covid vaccine harms from the FDA (empirical Bayesian data), the agency refused to provide them, claiming resource constraints. His federal lawsuit has so far lasted almost three years “with no end in sight as the FDA is fighting like hell to keep that data hidden.” 

The FDA is so corrupt that I call it Fatal Drug Approvals. If the FDA protected the citizens instead of the drug industry, our prescription drugs would not be the leading cause of death, ahead of heart disease and cancer. 

I also call the FDA the Foot Dragging Agency. When a group of scientists asked the FDA in 2021 to provide the data submitted by Pfizer for its Covid vaccine, the FDA wanted court approval to have more than 75 years to publicly disclose this information at a pace of 500 pages a month. Aaron sued the FDA and a judge ordered release of the documents. 

Even after being ordered to produce everything by a federal court, the FDA had withheld records directly tied to its emergency use authorisation of Pfizer’s vaccine, estimated to be approximately one million pages. Aaron noted that “Only those concerned about the truth seek to conceal evidence.” 

The Henry Ford Study

Filmmaker Del Bigtree established the Informed Consent Action Network (ICAN), which through donations has enabled Aaron to launch multiple lawsuits about transparency and rights related to vaccines. Bigtree convinced Dr. Marcus Zervos that he should do the study that the CDC never did, comparing vaccinated with unvaccinated children. Zervos works at Henry Ford Health which had the data needed for such a study readily available.

The stated goal of the study was to rule out vaccines as the cause of long-term adverse health outcomes to reassure parents of the overall safety of vaccinations. When Aaron requested the study to be published no matter what the results showed, Zervos “looked us right in the eyes and assured us that he was a man of integrity and would publish the results, whatever the finding.” 

Aaron received a study report in early 2020. The results were similar to those in other studies that had an unvaccinated control group. When he asked Zervos’ coauthor, Lois Lamerato, why they had not submitted it for publication, she replied that the higher-ups at Henry Ford did not want it to be published. 

Both authors thought their study was well done, but Zervos explained to Bigtree – which he filmed with a hidden camera for his excellent documentary, An Inconvenient Study, that he didn’t want to lose his job. 

After Aaron had published his book, the Henry Ford study report came to light on 9 September 2025 during a Senate hearing on “The Corruption of Science.” I explained that a ground rule in evidence-based medicine is that we should use the best available evidence when we make decisions, and as the Henry Ford study is the only one that compared unvaccinated with vaccinated kids for development of chronic diseases and that took account of confounders, it is very important that we examine this study carefully for its validity. 

I did that, which I shall not repeat here, and there are also helpful replies to criticisms of the study on the homepage for the documentary film. The bottom line is that the study is above-average quality. The authors were genuinely surprised by their results and did sensitivity analyses to test their robustness. They also provided a very interesting discussion about issues that might explain their findings, which they put in context. This is what we call good science. 

The vaccinated children had 2.5 times the rate of “any chronic disease,” compared to unvaccinated children. The risk was four times higher for asthma, three times higher for atopic conditions like eczema and hay fever, and five to six times higher for autoimmune and neurodevelopmental disorders. This is expected for vaccine harms. The researchers wrote that childhood infections appear to provide significant protection from atopy.

I wrote twice to Zervos and Lamerato noting that I have other data that support their findings and urging them to come out in the open and become part of history. They did not respond. They prefer to protect themselves rather than millions of children who are harmed by vaccines. I have no sympathy for such cowardly behaviour and noted in my article that they have a moral obligation to release their data in a pseudonymised fashion on a secure platform to allow other researchers to work with them for the common good.

Conclusions

Aaron warns that “history will not look kindly upon the misguided officials and individuals who seek to expel children from school, fire people from jobs, and otherwise punish people for refusing a medical product.” On top of this, the products have not been adequately tested for safety! This is like driving a car without knowing if the brakes are okay. 

Aaron also notes that when they cannot persuade on the merits, tyrants engage in coercion, censorship, mandates, and punishment, which dehumanise people. Sadly, I will need to agree that this is where America, and to a much lesser extent, Europe, is today in relation to vaccines.

This must change radically. We therefore need to support Kennedy as much as we can, as he is the driver of the reforms we need.

Author
  • Dr. Peter Gøtzsche co-founded the Cochrane Collaboration, once considered the world’s preeminent independent medical research organization. In 2010 Gøtzsche was named Professor of Clinical Research Design and Analysis at the University of Copenhagen. Gøtzsche has published over 100 papers in the “big five” medical journals (JAMA, Lancet, New England Journal of Medicine, British Medical Journal, and Annals of Internal Medicine). Gøtzsche has also authored books on medical issues including Deadly Medicines and Organized Crime.

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Source

https://brownstone.org/articles/how-cdc-and-fda-defrauded-the-american-public-about-serious-vaccine-harms/

Friday, November 21, 2025

How the UK and Canada Are Leading the West's Descent into Digital Authoritarianism

How the UK and Canada Are Leading the West's Descent into Digital Authoritarianism

“Big Brother is watching you.” These chilling words from George Orwell’s dystopian masterpiece, 1984, no longer read as fiction but are becoming a bleak reality in the UK and Canada—where digital dystopian measures are unravelling the fabric of freedom in two of the West’s oldest democracies.

Under the guise of safety and innovation, the UK and Canada are deploying invasive tools that undermine privacy, stifle free expression, and foster a culture of self-censorship. Both nations are exporting their digital control frameworks through the Five Eyes alliance, a covert intelligence-sharing network uniting the UK, Canada, US, Australia, and New Zealand, established during the Cold War. Simultaneously, their alignment with the United Nations’ Agenda 2030, particularly Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16.9—which mandates universal legal identity by 2030—supports a global policy for digital IDs, such as the UK’s proposed Brit Card and Canada’s Digital Identity Program, which funnel personal data into centralized systems under the pretext of “efficiency and inclusion.” By championing expansive digital regulations, such as the UK’s Online Safety Act and Canada’s pending Bill C-8, which prioritize state-defined “safety” over individual liberties, both nations are not just embracing digital authoritarianism—they’re accelerating the West’s descent into it.

Sonia Elijah investigates is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.

The UK’s digital dragnet

The United Kingdom has long positioned itself as a global leader in surveillance. The British spy agency, Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ), runs the formerly-secret mass surveillance programme, code-named Tempora, operational since 2011, which intercepts and stores vast amounts of global internet and phone traffic by tapping into transatlantic fibre-optic cables. Knowledge of its existence only came about in 2013, thanks to the bombshell documents leaked by the former National Security Agency (NSA) intelligence contractor and whistleblower, Edward Snowden. “It’s not just a US problem. The UK has a huge dog in this fight,” Snowden told the Guardian in a June 2013 report. “They [GCHQ] are worse than the US.”

Following that, is the Investigatory Powers Act (IPA) 2016, also dubbed the “Snooper’s Charter,” which mandates that internet service providers store users’ browsing histories, emails, texts, and phone calls for up to a year. Government agencies, including police and intelligence services (like MI5, MI6, and GCHQ) can access this data without a warrant in many cases, enabling bulk collection of communications metadata. This has been criticized for enabling mass surveillance on a scale that invades everyday privacy.

Recent expansions under the Online Safety Act (OSA) further empower authorities to demand backdoors in encrypted apps like WhatsApp, potentially scanning private messages for vaguely defined “harmful” content—a move critics like Big Brother Watch, a privacy advocacy group, decry as a gateway to mass surveillance. The OSA, which received Royal Assent on October 26, 2023, represents a sprawling piece of legislation by the UK government to regulate online content and “protect” users, particularly children, from “illegal and harmful material.” Implemented in phases by Ofcom, the UK’s communications watchdog, it imposes duties on a vast array of internet services, including social media, search engines, messaging apps, gaming platforms, and sites with user-generated content forcing compliance through risk assessments and hefty fines. By July 2025, the OSA was considered “fully in force” for most major provisions. This sweeping regime, aligned with global surveillance trends via Agenda 2030’s push for digital control, threatens to entrench a state-sanctioned digital dragnet, prioritizing “safety” over fundamental freedoms.

Elon Musk’s platform X has warned that the act risks “seriously infringing” on free speech, with the threat of fines up to £18 million or 10% of global annual turnover for non-compliance, encouraging platforms to censor legitimate content to avoid punishment. Musk took to X to express his personal view on the act’s true purpose: “suppression of the people.”

In late September, Imgur (an image-hosting platform popular for memes and shared media) made the decision to block UK users rather than comply with the OSA’s stringent regulations. This underscores the chilling effect such laws can have on digital freedom.

The act’s stated purpose is to make the UK “the safest place in the world to be online.” However, critics argue it’s a brazen power grab by the UK government to increase censorship and surveillance, all the while masquerading as a noble crusade to “protect” users.

Another pivotal development is the Data (Use and Access) Act 2025 (DUAA), which received Royal Assent in June. This wide-ranging legislation streamlines data protection rules to boost economic growth and public services but at the cost of privacy safeguards. It allows broader data sharing among government agencies and private entities, including for AI-driven analytics. For instance, it enables “smart data schemes” where personal information from banking, energy, and telecom sectors can be accessed more easily, seemingly for consumer benefits like personalized services—but raising fears of unchecked profiling.

Cybersecurity enhancements further expand the UK’s pervasive surveillance measures. The forthcoming Cyber Security and Resilience Bill, announced in the July 2024 King’s Speech and slated for introduction by year’s end, expands the Network and Information Systems (NIS) Regulations to critical infrastructure, mandating real-time threat reporting and government access to systems. This builds on existing tools like facial recognition technology, deployed extensively in public spaces. In 2025, trials in cities like London have integrated AI cameras that scan crowds in real-time, linking to national databases for instant identification—evoking a biometric police state.

Source: BBC News

The New York Times reported: “British authorities have also recently expanded oversight of online speech, tried weakening encryption and experimented with artificial intelligence to review asylum claims. The actions, which have accelerated under Prime Minister Keir Starmer with the goal of addressing societal problems, add up to one of the most sweeping embraces of digital surveillance and internet regulation by a Western democracy.”

Compounding this, UK police arrest over 30 people a day for “offensive” tweets and online messages, per The Timesoften under vague laws, fuelling justifiable fears of Orwell’s thought police.

Yet, of all the UK’s digital dystopian measures, none has ignited greater fury than Prime Minister Starmer’s mandatory “Brit Card” digital ID—a smartphone-based system effectively turning every citizen into a tracked entity.

First announced on September 4, as a tool to “tackle illegal immigration and strengthen border security,” but rapidly the Brit Card’s scope ballooned through function-creep to envelop everyday essentials like welfare, banking and public access. These IDs, stored on smartphones containing sensitive data like photos, names, dates of birth, nationalities, and residency status, are sold “as the front door to all kinds of everyday tasks,” a vision championed by the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change— and echoed by Work and Pensions Secretary Liz Kendall MP in her October 13 parliamentary speech.

Source: TheBritishIntel

This digital shackles system has sparked fierce resistance across the UK. A scathing letter, led by independent MP Rupert Lowe and endorsed by nearly 40 MPs from diverse parties, denounces the government’s proposed mandatory “Brit Card” digital ID as “dangerous, intrusive, and profoundly un-British.” Conservative MP David Davis issued a stark warning, declaring that such systems “are profoundly dangerous to the privacy and fundamental freedoms of the British people.” On X, Davis amplified his critique, citing a £14m fine imposed on Capita after hackers breached pension savers’ personal data, writing: “This is another perfect example of why the government’s digital ID cards are a terrible idea.” By early October, a petition opposing the proposal had garnered over 2.8 million signatures, reflecting widespread public outcry. The government, however, dismissed these objections, stating, “We will introduce a digital ID within this Parliament to address illegal migration, streamline access to government services, and improve efficiency. We will consult on details soon.”

Canada’s surveillance surge

Across the Atlantic, Canada’s surveillance surge under Prime Minister Mark Carney—former Bank of England head and World Economic Forum board member—mirrors the UK’s dystopian trajectory. Carney, with his globalist agenda, has overseen a slew of bills that prioritize “security” over sovereignty. Take Bill C-2An Act to amend the Customs Act, introduced June 17, 2025, which enables warrantless data access at borders and sharing with U.S. authorities via CLOUD Act (Clarifying Lawful Overseas Use of Data Act) pacts—essentially handing Canadian citizens’ digital lives to foreign powers. Despite public backlash prompting proposed amendments in October, its core—enhanced monitoring of transactions and exports—remains ripe for abuse.

Complementing this, Bill C-8, first introduced June 18, 2025, amends the Telecommunications Act to impose cybersecurity mandates on critical sectors like telecoms and finance. It empowers the government to issue secret orders compelling companies to install backdoors or weaken encryption, potentially compromising user security. These orders can mandate the cutoff of internet and telephone services to specified individuals without the need for a warrant or judicial oversight, under the vague premise of securing the system against “any threat.”

Opposition to this bill has been fierce. In a parliamentary speech Canada’s Conservative MP Matt Strauss, decried the bill’s sections 15.1 and 15.2 as granting “unprecedented, incredible power” to the government. He warned of a future where individuals could be digitally exiled—cut off from email, banking, and work—without explanation or recourse, likening it to a “digital gulag.”

Source: Video shared by Andrew Bridgen

The Canadian Constitution Foundation (CCF) and privacy advocates have echoed these concerns, arguing that the bill’s ambiguous language and lack of due process violate fundamental Charter rights, including freedom of expression, liberty, and protection against unreasonable search and seizure.

Bill C-8 complements the Online Harms Act (Bill C-63), first introduced in February 2024, which demanded platforms purge content like child exploitation and hate speech within 24 hours, risking censorship with vague “harmful” definitions. Inspired by the UK’s OSA and EU’s Digital Services Act (DSA), C-63 collapsed amid fierce backlash for its potential to enable censorship, infringe on free speech, and lack of due process. The CCF and Pierre Poilievre, calling it “woke authoritarianism,” led a 2024 petition with 100,000 signatures. It died during Parliament’s January 2025 prorogation after Justin Trudeau’s resignation.

These bills build on an alarming precedent: during the COVID era, Canada’s Public Health Agency admitted to tracking 33 million devices during lockdown—nearly the entire population—under the pretext of public health, a blatant violation exposed only through persistent scrutiny. The Communications Security Establishment (CSE), empowered by the longstanding Bill C-59, continues bulk metadata collection, often without adequate oversight. These measures are not isolated; they stem from a deeper rot, where pandemic-era controls have been normalized into everyday policy.

Canada’s Digital Identity Program, touted as a “convenient” tool for seamless access to government services, emulates the UK’s Brit Card and aligns with UN Agenda 2030’s SDG 16.9. It remains in active development and piloting phases, with full national rollout projected for 2027–2028.

“The price of freedom is eternal vigilance.” Orwell’s 1984 warns we must urgently resist this descent into digital authoritarianism—through petitions, protests, and demands for transparency—before a Western Great Firewall is erected, replicating China’s stranglehold that polices every keystroke and thought.

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Source

https://www.soniaelijah.com/p/how-the-uk-and-canada-are-leading

Thursday, November 20, 2025

The Weaponisation of Science

The Weaponisation of Science

Brownstone Journal

The Weaponisation of Science

Yesterday, I took part in a panel discussion in Washington, D.C., on the weaponisation of science — specifically, how conflicts of interest, industry influence, and scientific deception have reshaped modern medicine.

It was an important conversation about how the scientific process has been hollowed out by financial incentives, regulatory capture, and institutional cowardice.

For me, this is not an abstract debate. I’ve spent much of my career investigating how science becomes distorted — not by a few rogue actors, but through an entire system built on commercial dependence.

Once you start pulling the threads of how evidence is produced, who funds it, who controls the data, and who polices the outcomes, you quickly realise that the corruption of science is structural and systemic.

The Statin Wars: A Case Study in Deception

I first saw this clearly while investigating cholesterol-lowering drugs. My 2013 Catalyst documentary questioned whether statins were being overprescribed, and it unleashed a media firestorm.

The episode was pulled after industry outrage, and I was publicly attacked. None of the critics engaged with the evidence — they simply sought to silence it.

In 2018, I published a narrative review, “Statin wars: have we been misled by the evidence?

The piece revealed that the raw data underpinning statin trials were held exclusively by the Oxford-based Cholesterol Treatment Trialists (CTT) Collaboration and had never been released.

The CTT group had signed confidentiality agreements with pharmaceutical sponsors, blocking independent access to the raw data and preventing verification.

Yet those same meta-analyses have shaped prescribing guidelines around the world — produced by a group that sits under Oxford’s Clinical Trial Service Unit, which receives millions in funding from statin manufacturers.

In my public talks, I’ve described the statin story as a case study in bias and censorship. The trials used well-worn techniques to amplify benefits and minimise harms.

For example, they use ‘run-in’ periods before the trial to weed out people who couldn’t tolerate the drug, thereby artificially lowering the adverse events detected during the trial.

Often the outcomes were reported in relative, not absolute, terms — effectively exaggerating benefits that were, in reality, minuscule to the individual patient.

The vast majority of statin trials are funded by the manufacturers, and almost all show benefit — except for one publicly funded study that showed the opposite.

So, who funds the trial matters. The system is captured, plain and simple.

Regulatory Capture and the Illusion of Oversight

The same dynamics pervade drug regulation. In a 2022 BMJ investigation, I showed how drug regulators rely heavily on funding from the very industries they oversee.

In Australia, the Therapeutic Goods Administration derives 96% of its operating budget from industry fees.

In the US, the same conflict exists through the Prescription Drug User Fee Act (PDUFA), which allows the FDA to collect billions from drug companies.

Those “user fees” now fund roughly two-thirds of the agency’s drug-review budget — a structural conflict of interest described by one scholar as “institutional corruption.”

And it’s true.

Industry money drives the demand for faster approvals through “expedited pathways,” which often means weaker evidence, shorter trials, and looser post‑marketing obligations.

Regulators defend this as “innovation,” yet the drugs approved under these pathways are far more likely to later receive black-box warnings or be withdrawn from the market due to safety issues.

The result is a system that rewards speed and sales over safety and substance.

The illusion of effective drugs has become even clearer thanks to a landmark investigation this year by Jeanne Lenzer and Shannon Brownlee.

They reviewed more than 400 FDA drug approvals between 2013 and 2022, and found that 73% of the drugs failed to meet four basic scientific criteria for demonstrating effectiveness.

Cancer drugs were especially problematic: only 3 out of 123 met all scientific standards, most approved on surrogate endpoints with no evidence that they improved survival.

It’s the perfect illustration of regulatory capture — an agency funded by industry fees and pressured by politics, approving drugs of uncertain benefit while calling itself the “gold standard.”

Antidepressant Deception

The same playbook has unfolded in psychiatry — beginning with how clinical trials are designed and reported.

Study 329 is one of the best-known examples. It claimed that paroxetine (Paxil) was safe and effective for adolescents aged 12 to 18.

But when researchers reanalysed the original regulatory documents, they found that suicides and suicide attempts had been coded under misleading terms such as “emotional lability” or “worsening depression,” effectively erasing them from view.

A similar pattern emerged when regulatory documents for two fluoxetine (Prozac) trials in children and adolescents were re-examined. Suicide attempts were omitted or misclassified, making the drug appear safer than it was.

Both reanalyses were carried out under the Restoring Invisible and Abandoned Trials (RIAT) initiative, a project dedicated to “restoring” abandoned or misreported trials by publishing accurate versions of the data submitted to regulators.

Selective publication compounds the problem.

The FDA only requires two trials demonstrating a drug is better than a placebo before it is approved — meaning multiple failed trials get buried.

Psychologist Irving Kirsch, using Freedom of Information requests, uncovered dozens of unpublished SSRI trials that had been withheld from the medical literature.

When those missing studies were included, the apparent benefit of antidepressants over placebo almost vanished — an average gain of less than two points on the Hamilton Depression Scale, far below the threshold for meaningful clinical benefit.

In other words, much of what appears to be a “drug effect” is, in reality, a placebo.

For years, patients have also been sold the marketing myth that depression stems from a “chemical imbalance” in the brain — a debunked theory but an extraordinarily effective sales campaign.

In 2020, we analysed popular health websites across ten countries and found that about 74% falsely claimed depression was caused by a chemical imbalance and implied that antidepressants could correct it.

It may sound like harmless messaging, but its influence is profound.

An Australian study showed that 83% of people who were told they had a chemical imbalance were more likely to take an antidepressant, believing it would “fix” their brain chemistry.

A more recent review in Molecular Psychiatry synthesised the best available evidence and found no consistent link between depression and low serotonin levels or activity.

Together, these findings reveal how psychiatry’s modern narrative was constructed — through distorted trials and deceptive marketing — turning uncertainty into certainty, and speculation into “science.”

Fraud by Omission

Recently, I reported on how journals can weaponise science.

The BMJ’s Peter Doshi raised serious concerns about the pivotal PLATO trial for the anti-clotting drug ticagrelor — including data irregularities and unexplained deaths. But the journal Circulation which published the trial, has refused to investigate.

This selective vigilance is telling. Journals will retract small hypothesis papers that challenge orthodoxy, but billion‑dollar drugs with questionable data remain untouchable.

We’ve seen an even more aggressive form of suppression in the vaccine arena.

The recent Covaxin case exposed the extent to which manufacturers will go to suppress inconvenient findings.

After Indian researchers published a peer‑reviewed post‑marketing study suggesting serious adverse events “might not be uncommon,” Bharat Biotech — the vaccine’s manufacturer — filed a defamation lawsuit against the 11 authors and the journal’s editor, demanding retraction and millions in damages.

Within weeks, the journal caved, announcing its intention to retract despite finding no scientific fraud or fabrication. The only “offence” was to suggest that further safety research was warranted.

It’s a chilling example of how corporate and political power now overrides the normal mechanisms of scientific debate — a new form of censorship disguised as quality control.

Punishing Scientists

The weaponisation of science isn’t only about suppressing inconvenient ideas or studies — it extends to the scientists themselves.

During the Vioxx scandal, Merck was caught keeping an actual “hit list” of doctors and academics who criticised the drug’s cardiovascular risks.

Internal emails revealed executives discussing plans to “seek them out and destroy them where they live.” That’s how far industry will go to silence dissent.

Executives are no longer stupid enough to put such threats in writing, but the behaviour persists — now outsourced to lobby groups and front organisations that quietly destroy reputations.

I experienced a version of this myself after my ABC documentaries on statins and sugar.

Like Merck, the Australian Breakfast Cereal Manufacturers Forum — an industry front group — drew up an “active defence” plan to neutralise me for challenging the industry narrative.

And we’ve seen it again recently with the leaked BIO memo detailing a coordinated plan to undermine Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. — by co-opting media influencers, partnering with think tanks, and shaping public perception.

Different industries, same playbook: when billions are at stake, dissent is dangerous, and science becomes a weapon.

Weaponised Fact-Checkers

Look at the rise of fact-checking as a weapon.

In 2024, for example, a peer‑reviewed Japanese study published in the journal Cureus that reported a statistical rise in certain cancers following the Covid‑19 mRNA vaccine rollout was retracted after a Reuters “fact-check.”

The authors, led by Dr Miki Gibo, made no claim of causation and had explicitly called for further investigation, yet the journal retracted the paper after the media controversy, citing concerns about the scrutiny of fact checkers.

When journals begin outsourcing editorial judgment to media organisations with commercial or institutional conflicts, peer review itself collapses under the weight of narrative control.

This is what I mean by the weaponisation of science.

Fraud today isn’t only about fabricating data — it’s about what institutions choose to suppress. It’s selective enforcement designed to protect profits under the guise of integrity.

Can We Restore Scientific Honesty?

I’m not going to pretend I have all the answers. Whether it’s cholesterol or serotonin, the science too often bends toward profit rather than truth.

Regulators, journals, and academic institutions have become so financially entangled with industry that truly independent science is now the exception, not the rule.

Retractions, fact-checks, and editorial bans are deployed selectively — not to correct fraud, but to erase debate under the banner of “scientific consensus.”

We’ve tried to fix this with transparency measures like open-data policies and the Sunshine Act, which expose payments from pharmaceutical companies to doctors.

But disclosure has become a box-ticking exercise, and raw data is still hard to get. Meanwhile, the machinery of influence keeps turning.

The deeper problem is the absence of accountability. Without accountability, there can be no trust.

When Merck’s painkiller Vioxx was withdrawn after being linked to tens of thousands of deaths, not one executive went to jail. The company paid fines, issued statements, and carried on.

Lives were lost, and no one was held personally responsible. That isn’t justice — it’s the “cost of doing business,” and worse, the people who preside over these disasters are often rewarded for them.

Bonuses are paid, stock options soar, and departing CEOs collect multimillion-dollar severance packages — all while families are left to bury their dead.

If we’re serious about restoring trust, that has to change. CEOs and senior executives who knowingly conceal data or market dangerous drugs should face criminal penalties, not corporate settlements.

A few jail sentences at the top would do more to restore trust in medicine than a thousand press releases about a renewed commitment to safety.

Accountability must also extend to government.

The FDA and other regulators are structurally dependent on industry money. It’s baked into the system, and the only real solution is to rebuild — fund these agencies publicly, remove user fees, and make them independent again.

The barrier isn’t money — it’s political will, compromised by the same corporate lobbying and campaign donations that distort science.

True reform requires the courage to confront the pharmaceutical industry’s financial grip on both major parties, to end the political donations that buy silence, and to legislate for genuine independence in science and medicine.

Perhaps Secretary Kennedy is now best placed to begin dismantling industry’s hold on science. Systemic corruption didn’t happen overnight, and it won’t be undone overnight either.

Commercial conflicts of interest have become normalised — woven through our institutions, universities, journals, and political culture. Until that’s confronted directly, nothing will change.

Disclosure is necessary, but it is not sufficient. The antidote is open debate, public funding, and real accountability.

Science should never be about consensus; it should be about contestability. If we can’t test claims, challenge data, or ask uncomfortable questions without fear of retribution, then we no longer have science — we have marketing.

The weaponisation of science ends only when truth becomes more valuable than profit.

Republished from the author’s Substack


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Author

  • Maryanne Demasi, 2023 Brownstone Fellow, is an investigative medical reporter with a PhD in rheumatology, who writes for online media and top tiered medical journals. For over a decade, she produced TV documentaries for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) and has worked as a speechwriter and political advisor for the South Australian Science Minister.

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Source

https://brownstone.org/articles/the-weaponisation-of-science/

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