Tuesday, October 31, 2023

Smedley Butler and the 1930s Plot to Overthrow the President

Smedley Butler and the 1930s Plot to Overthrow the President

In 1934, a colossal claim reached the American news media: There had been a plot to overthrow President Franklin D. Roosevelt, in favor of a fascist government. Supposedly in the works since 1933, the claims of the conspiracy came from a very conspicuous and reliable source: Major General Smedley Butler, one of the most decorated war heroes of his time.

Even more unbelievable were his claims of who was involved in the plot – respected names like Robert Sterling Clark, Grayson M.P. Murphy, and Prescott Bush. While news media at the time mocked Butler’s story, recently discovered archives have revealed the truth behind Major General Butler’s claims.


Who was Smedley Butler?

Born in 1881, Major General Smedley Butler was the eldest son of a Quaker family from West Chester, Pennsylvania. Butler came from a line of civil-serviceman: his father, Thomas Butler, was a representative for the state of Pennsylvania in Congress, and his maternal grandfather, Smedley Darlington, was also a Republican congressman.

Butler served in several major world conflicts, including the Spanish-American War, the Philippine-American War, the Boxer Rebellion, and World War I. During his time in service, Butler became known for his bravery and relentless leadership in battle, and he was rewarded with several distinctions, including multiple Medals of Honor, an Army Distinguished Service Medal, the Marine Corps Brevet Medal, and a Navy Distinguished Service Medal.

Major General Smedley Butler.
[Major General Smedley Butler. Image reprinted from Philadelphia’s Organized Crime of the 1920 and 1930s by Anne Margaret Anderson with John J. Binder courtesy of the Library of Congress (pg. 11, Arcadia Publishing, 2014).]

In total, Butler served for 34 years in the Marine Corps, and earned 16 medals for his time in service. He is currently the most decorated Marine veteran of all time. He died in 1940 at the age of 58.

The Business Plot

After leaving the service, Butler held many roles, but became best-known for his activism. Butler’s various accolades made him a household name following World War I, and he was well-known among veteran circles as a champion of veterans’ rights. This included supporting the so-called Bonus Army, a large group of veterans and veteran supporters who lobbied Congress for payments of bonds issued to veterans prior to the war.

This positive public image, and demonstrated ability to rally people under his leadership, were perhaps the reason why Butler was approached by Gerald C. MacGuire and Bob Doyle in 1933. MacGuire, a bond salesman, and Doyle were members of the American Legion, an organization meant to support veteran rights and opportunities.

During their first meeting with Butler, MacGuire and Doyle asked the Major General to speak at a Legion convention in Chicago, claiming they wanted to point out the various problems with the Legion’s leadership. Butler was at first open to this idea, knowing that the Legion had several administrative issues that ultimately compromised veteran benefits.

However, over subsequent meetings with the two men, Butler quickly began to suspect that something was amiss – during their second meeting, MacGuire showed Butler bank statements amounting to over $100,000 USD (valued at nearly $2 million today), which he hoped Butler would use to bring veteran supporters to the convention. The Major General was stunned: there was very little chance that a group of veterans had been able to gather such a vast amount of funds. Even worse was the speech that MacGuire asked Butler to deliver – a speech which had little to do with veteran affairs, and instead was more critical of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s recent move away from the gold standard.

The abandonment of the gold standard was a major sticking point for many high-ranking officials and bankers in the country during 1933. Although there were several recognized issues with money backed by gold (such as dependency on gold production, and short-term price instabilities), many bankers were fearful that their gold-backed loans would not be paid back in full by the President’s new policies.

The departure from the gold standard just added to other concerns about FDR’s policies, particularly his plans to provide subsidizations and jobs for the poor, which businessmen and conservative politicians alike took as an indication of Roosevelt’s socialist leanings, or (even worse) a communist. Butler could sense this disgruntlement when he asked to meet with MacGuire’s superior, and found himself speaking with Robert Sterling Clark, an heir to the Singer Sewing fortune. Clark was much more upfront than MacGuire, telling Butler that his real interest was in preserving the gold standard, even claiming that he “had $30 million, and was willing to spend half of the $30 million to save the other half.”

Butler, true to his patriotic form, flatly refused the offer to deliver the speech at the convention in Chicago. After parting ways with MacGuire and Clark, he heard little from the men until MacGuire began travelling through Europe on a trip funded by Clark. MacGuire began sending postcards to Butler from various European locations, including Italy, Germany, and France. 

 Upon returning to the States, MacGuire called another meeting with Butler, where he was much more transparent about his plans: Admitting that the money he had gathered came mostly from captains of industry, MacGuire told Butler that he had travelled Europe to see how veterans operated within foreign governments. After discounting the governments of Germany and Italy, he described a facet of French government which was run quite well by veterans.

These various observations led MacGuire to believe that the only way to save the country from FDR’s “ill-fated” policies was to create a military state run by former servicemen, with Roosevelt serving as a figurehead, rather than a true leader. Butler asked what MacGuire wanted from him, and was told he would be the ideal leader of these veterans, promising him an army of 500,000 men and financial backing from an assortment of rich businessmen, so long as he would be willing to lead a peaceful march on the White House to displace Roosevelt.

The McCormack-Dickstein Committee Investigation

Astonished by MacGuire’s plans, Butler knew he would need someone to corroborate his story if he was going to stop the intended coup. Having previously worked as the police captain of Philadelphia, Butler reached out to Philadelphia Record writer Paul Comly French, who agreed to meet with MacGuire as well. During this meeting, MacGuire told French that he believed a fascist state was the only answer for America, and that Smedley was the “ideal leader” because he “could organize one million men overnight.”

Armed with French’s mutual testimony, Butler appeared before the McCormack-Dickstein congressional committee, also known as the Special Committee on Un-American Activities, to reveal what he knew about the plot to seize the presidency in November 1934. The committee at first discounted a large part of Butler’s testimony (even writing in their initial report that they saw no reason to subpoena men like John W. Davis, a former presidential hopeful, or Thomas W. Lamont, a partner with J.P. Morgan & Company).

However, with the testimony of French, and the erratic testimony of MacGuire, the committee began to further investigate the plot. The final reports of the committee sang a different tune, finding that all of Butler’s claims could be corroborated as factual. However, they also stressed that the plot was far from being enacted, and it was not clear if the plans would have ever truly come to fruition.

Quickly becoming known as the “White House Coup” and “Wall Street Putsch,” many major news sources derided Butler’s claims, as the committee’s final report was not made available publicly. Those implicated, ranging from the DuPont family to Prescott Bush, the grandfather of future President George W. Bush, laughed off Butler’s claims. Evidence of the validity of Butler’s testimony was not released until the 21st century, when the committee’s papers were published in the Public Domain. No one was ever prosecuted in connection to the plot.

Butler, for his part, went on to continue advocating for veterans. He also became a staunch opponent of capitalism, which he felt fed war efforts. His views were published in his well-known short book War is a Racket, which was published in 1935. There’s no telling how far the plot to overthrow the President may have gone without Butler’s intervention, but one thing is certain: its failure was the work of one patriotic Major General, and his life-long love of democracy.


Monday, October 30, 2023

Israel and Hamas claim to represent their people, while getting them killed

Israel and Hamas claim to represent their people, while getting them killed

Tony Cox, a US journalist who has written or edited for Bloomberg and several major daily newspapers.

October 23, 2023
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The latest war in the Holy Land offers no clear-cut victories, as civilians on both sides suffer from the effects of poor leadership
Israel and Hamas claim to represent their people, while getting them killed

As war rages again in the Middle East, with Israel and Hamas vowing to exterminate each other, the one thing we can be sure of is that neither belligerent will achieve real victory or lasting peace. As usual, that’s probably not even the real goal for the so-called leaders on either side. 

Israeli and Hamas officials both claim to be killing the bad guys in order to defend their people, but their actions seem to suggest otherwise. A Hamas official, for instance, told Al-Jazeera TV that the group’s October 7 cross-border attacks in southern Israel were necessary to defend “the dignity and freedom” of the Palestinian people. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pledged in response to “demolish Hamas” and to ensure that such attacks against his country’s people never happen again.

An examination of the tactics on both sides, past and present, shows that these bitter rivals have been either grossly misguided in trying to achieve their stated goals, or lying about their true motivations. Perhaps it’s some of both. 

There was certainly no “dignity” or “freedom” being pursued when Hamas fighters stormed across the border in order to kill or capture as many civilians as possible. The terrorists murdered about 1,300 people, including babies in their beds, and took hundreds of hostages back to Gaza. Some of the gory details are in dispute, but it’s safe to say that Hamas purposely murdered non-combatants and kidnapped men, women and children.

It's also safe to say that no sane leader could have supposed that such an atrocity would serve the interests of the Palestinian people. Hamas militants knew that civilians in Gaza City would pay a heavy price when Israel responded to the attacks, especially since the group has purposely stationed its command centers and weapons caches in or under apartment buildings, hospitals, mosques and schools. They also knew that their bloody rampage would leave the Palestinian people further away from a peace deal – perhaps further than ever – that would create their own state.

That’s by design, of course, because Hamas refuses to recognize Israel or seek any sort of two-state solution. The group’s original founding document called for the obliteration of Israel and the killing of Jews. Hamas aims to create a Palestinian state by force, “from the river to the sea.”

Knowing the genocidal ideology of Hamas and its track record of killing Israelis, it’s hard to fathom how the West Jerusalem government, supposedly so devoted to protecting its citizens, could allow the October 7 attacks to happen. Despite warnings from Egyptian officials, Israeli forces were caught off-guard and took hours to arrive at the scene. For example, concert-goers at a music festival where the terrorists killed an estimated 260 people reportedly had to wait more than six hours for help to arrive.

Hamas, which seized full control of Gaza in 2007, might not even exist had it not been helped by the Israeli government. Yitzhak Segev, the former Israeli military governor of Gaza, told a New York Times reporter that he had a budget to help finance Palestinian Islamists in the 1980s as a counterweight to the Palestine Liberation Organization and Yasser Arafat’s Fatah party. Another former Israeli official, Avner Cohen, told the Wall Street Journal that the government ignored his suggestion to “break up this monster before this reality jumps in our face,” instead playing the rival factions against each other.

Israel critics, such as Harvard professor emeritus Laurence Tribe, have suggested that Netanyahu allowed the Hamas attacks to happen, either in order to distract people from his political troubles or to justify a major operation against Gaza. 

Whether any of that is true doesn’t really matter. Civilians were killed, and their government was either grossly incompetent or purposely asleep at the wheel. However any possible Israeli duplicity has no bearing on the guilt of Hamas, which chose to murder civilians and take hostages, rather than hitting military targets in retaliation for the Israeli oppression of the Palestinians. 

Likewise, Hamas and its supporters have no right to dictate how Israel can respond. Some observers, such as Amnesty International, have argued that the Israeli retaliation has been “disproportionate.” After all, more than 4,700 Palestinians have been killed, compared with over 1,400 people in Israel.

However, Hamas started the latest war, and wars have consequences. Israel captured Gaza and the West Bank during its Six-Day War with three Arab nations in 1967. When you start a war, the enemy’s response isn’t about comparing body counts.

A proportionate – and absurd - response would be to send teams of Israeli commandoes into Gaza to murder the same number of civilians as the Hamas terrorists killed. Unlike Hamas, Israel isn’t launching attacks specifically aimed at killing non-combatants. It’s bombing Hamas targets, and heavy civilian casualties are a side effect of those strikes, partly because of the way the Islamist group has embedded its military operations in civilian areas.

Both sides are fighting PR wars to vilify the other side and claim moral superiority, in some cases by lying. Israel is doing itself no favors in the battle for public opinion when its air strikes kill thousands of Palestinian civilians. If Netanyahu’s government truly wanted to eradicate Hamas, minimize civilian casualties and protect the Israeli people from future attacks, it would have been much further along in doing so already. That would have meant launching a massive ground offensive to clear every tunnel, destroy every enemy weapon, and kill or capture every Islamist militant.

Israeli forces are preparing to finally launch their ground operation in Gaza, likely after negotiating the rules of engagement with Washington, but it’s doubtful that this war is about winning. This isn’t like World War II, when nations were locked in an existential struggle, and the victors vanquished their enemies by any means necessary. Rather, this war is more about geopolitical gamesmanship, political power and weakening useful enemies without eliminating them.

Caught in the middle are the Israeli and Palestinian people, who will bleed and die to serve the interests of their leaders. Those who survive will continue to live under threat of violence, bracing for the next flare-up.

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Source

https://www.rt.com/news/585590-israel-hamas-war-holy-land/

Sunday, October 29, 2023

The Individual in the Crowd

The Individual in the Crowd

The Individual in the Crowd

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THE INTEGRATIVE TENDENCY

We can now look at the crowd phenomenon from the individual’s point of view because it follows that, if a crowd is to form, individual members must, in some sense, ‘want’ to join and be willing to conform to behavioural standards imposed by others. No group – and especially not a crowd – can exist unless each group member alters their behaviour to conform to the will of the majority. In other words, there must be a basis for the integrative tendency, or the tendency to devote oneself to a group.

Theoretically, we can observe three aspects to this phenomenon, namely:

 identification with the crowd;

 acceptance of the crowd’s belief system;

 submission to the authority of a leader.

IDENTIFICATION

There is, indeed, a well-researched predisposition for individuals to reject individuals in other groups, to accept the judgement of the majority in the group to which they belong, and to accept the instructions of a person (or persons) representing authority. In a series of experiments by Henri Tajfel at Bristol University, it was shown that groups of schoolboys aged 14 to 15 could have their behaviour altered merely by telling them that they belonged to a particular group – even an unknown group. Specifically, the schoolboys would automatically associate themselves with other members of the same group, would provide active support for that group and would take every opportunity to disadvantage members of other groups. These phenomena occurred despite the fact that no indication was given to the schoolboys about the purpose or qualities of the groups.

BELIEFS

It seems that uncritical acceptance of group assumptions/beliefs has its foundation in the subconscious need to belong, or not to be seen as different. For example, experiments conducted in 1956 by Solomon Asch at Harvard showed that, when matching the length of a line with one of three other lines, subjects could have their performance measurably altered by group pressures. When asked to match the length of a line with one of three other lines in isolation from others, participants made a mistake less than 1 per cent of the time. However, when placed in a group that had been instructed beforehand to claim that mismatched lines were actually the same, 75 per cent of participants agreed with the majority. This was true even when the actual difference between the lines was very significant. Worryingly, Asch also found that although some participants lacked the nerve to disagree with the majority, some maintained that they had actually seen the mismatched lines as being equal and some doubted their own perceptions.

SELF-AWARENESS AND CONFORMITY ENFORCEMENT

These general conclusions have been confirmed by research conducted at the University of Illinois by Ed Diener. He found that the most important factor in group behaviour was the suppression of self-awareness and, therefore, of self-regulation. In one particular piece of research, Diener compared behaviour under three different laboratory test conditions:

where individuals were self-aware and isolated from group influences;

where individuals were non-self-aware, but were still isolated from group influences; and

where individuals were both non-self-aware and involved in a group environment.

THE CROWD LEADER

Identification with other members of the crowd and an acceptance of the crowd’s belief system is stimulated by each member’s willingness to obey a crowd leader. The importance of a leader for crowd dynamics was Sigmund Freud’s major contribution to the debate, and is based on his idea of a ‘parent substitute’. Specifically, Freud argued that a large group (or crowd) would follow its leader because that leader personified certain ideals and objectives for the group. Group members would essentially disable themselves by projecting their own capacities for thought, decision making and responsibility taking on to the leader.

The crowd leader acts as the main interpreter of new information from the environment, determines the appropriate tactical response and directs strategy. Leaders may be dictatorial or democratic, they may be constructive or destructive, but they will always command the attention of each of the crowd members. However, leadership may manifest in a number of different guises. On the one hand, it may be obvious, in the sense that it is vested in a particular individual or in a subgroup of people (such as a committee or board of directors). On the other hand, it may be covert. It may, for example, be vested in the democratic decision of the group itself or in the shared system of beliefs held by members of the crowd, and the code of conduct it engenders. Covert leadership, however, almost certainly requires some form of ‘totem’ on which the crowd can focus its attention. Throughout history, crowds have been responsive to national flags, figureheads, icons and statues.

THE FINDINGS OF STANLEY MILGRAM

The classic experiment to discover the limit to which people would be obedient to authority was conducted by Dr Stanley Milgram of Yale University. In the experiment, the subjects were ordered to inflict pain on an innocent victim in the interests of an important cause. Authority (or the leader and representative of a group belief system) was represented by a scientist in a white coat who would continually urge the subject to proceed with administering electric shocks to a third person. In fact, there was no electric shock involved at all: the subject did not know it, but the third person (the victim) merely behaved as if there had been one.

At all stages throughout the experiment, the subject was made aware of the effect of their actions, both by a dial on the electric shock machine (which indicated the voltage being administered and the degree of danger involved therewith), and by the screams and protests of the victim strapped into a chair. Milgram found that over 60 per cent of the subjects were prepared to obey instructions to administer the highest and most lethal dose of electricity, even after the victim had given up screaming and was, to all intents and purposes, comatose.

ALTRUISM AND CONFLICT

In the previous chapter, it was noted that the structure of the human brain lends itself to the emergence of non-rational responses to perceived threats of any kind. In particular, the brain stem and the limbic system are subject to a significant stimulus. Significantly, the arousal of these two subsystems at the expense of the neocortex can degrade human behaviour to the extent that some degree of animal- like ‘herd’ behaviour materializes. This is the phenomenon of the crowd.

There are, obviously, different degrees of intensity of crowd behaviour, but its hallmark is non-rational and emotional behaviour, common to a number of individuals acting together. It follows, too, that once a crowd has been catalyzed, the left pre-frontal lobe of the neocortex is even less likely to operate effectively. As a result, the amygdala of each crowd member is given an even freer rein.

The results – as researchers such as Diener and Milgram have verified – can be frightening. A crowd led by a strong leader can be a truly potent force. First, people within a crowd develop a sense of altruism towards other crowd members that is very strong. (Sometimes, indeed, it is so strong that, as Emile Durkheim found, it can result in suicide.) Second, the crowd can achieve objectives using methods that more self-aware individuals would regard as being totally unacceptable. It is not surprising, therefore, that people are more likely to be involved in states of conflict as group members than as individuals. Third, and as a corollary, it follows that conflict (or stress) is a perfect catalyst for the formation of a crowd. If, for some reason, an imbalance develops between two groups, each group member will have common cause with other members of the same group in protecting the autonomy of that group. The paramount need of each group may then release the aggressiveness in, or relax constraints on, each individual.

SPLITTING AND PROJECTION

There is a broad question about what encourages, or allows, individuals actively to participate in aggressive, destructive crowd behaviour when they might not otherwise do so. One factor is the need to belong. For many, if not all, crowd participants, the sense of belonging totally to a higher psychological construct is a transcendental experience: ego boundaries collapse and are invaded by group beliefs, personal responsibility is removed and anxiety is eliminated. A second factor is the way that the human psyche deals with potentially conflicting emotions. Here, an individual disowns the unacceptable side of his or her psyche and projects it out on to others. The result is a toxic combination of infallibility on the one hand and hatred and fear of an ‘enemy’ on the other, and it is all too easy to kill and maim ‘subhuman others’. Unfortunately, the fact that these processes occur in the subconscious mind makes it all too easy to deny that they exist in the first place.

CONCLUSION

The conclusions of this chapter are simple, but profound. Membership of a group in general, or of a crowd in particular, involves the abrogation, to some degree, of personal responsibility – that is, people act differently as crowd participants than they do as independent individuals. A crowd as a whole tends to behave in a non-rational, emotional way in pursuit of its objectives and forces its members to do likewise. The ability of a crowd to organize its members in this way is particularly pronounced under conditions of conflict when the autonomy of the crowd is in some way threatened. These observations go some way towards explaining some of the less attractive features of the human condition. They explain, for example, why armies of otherwise rational and humane men are prepared to go to war; they offer an explanation of why avowedly religious groups have tortured and murdered in pursuit of doctrinal purity; they explain why trade union members have been willing to destroy the companies that they work for rather than surrender any union ‘rights’. The list is endless, and is the more depressing for it.

However, the purpose of this book is other than to bemoan the fate of humanity. Up to now, Part One has presented a body of theory that explains, essentially, why group behaviour is a ubiquitous feature of the human condition. For the vast majority of people, some form of group pressure provides a major motivating force in all their social, economic and political activities. Such pressure exists in such diverse structures as friendly societies, corporations and religions. It is more intense in sports teams and is at its most intense under combat conditions. As we shall demonstrate, the crowd phenomenon also exists in financial markets.

So far we have only explained why crowds exist. We have not yet shown how crowds behave. Let us, therefore, take one further step towards the primary purposes of this book by analyzing the dynamics of a crowd system.

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Forecasting Financial Markets,

Anthony Plummer


Saturday, October 28, 2023

Two’s a Crowd

Two’s a Crowd

Two’s a Crowd

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THE INFLUENCE OF GROUPS

It is important to recognize that group behaviour is not, in itself, unusual. In fact, groups emerge as a result of the same basic laws that apply to the rest of nature. As Erich Jantsch2 has shown, building on the implications of quantum physics, all of nature consists of multi-levelled structures. Each level in this hierarchy has the power to organize its lower levels and use them for its own purposes. Consequently, each level is able to perpetuate itself or maintain its identity despite changes in its individual components. This hierarchical structure applies to human society: individuals become members of groups, groups merge to form societies and societies merge to form civilizations.

THE INSIGHTS OF GUSTAVE LE BON

One of the first people to analyze the phenomenon of human groups in any detail was Gustave Le Bon.6 He was fascinated by the influence and role of a very particular type of group – namely, the crowd – in the unfolding of the French Revolution. His seminal book The Psychology of Crowds was written in 1895, but it still stands out as a classic of social psychology. Its analysis has been validated by subsequent analysts such as Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, as well as by theorists such as Arthur Koestler. Its conclusions have been found to be applicable to such diverse historical phenomena as the Nuremberg Rallies and the Holocaust in Nazi Germany; the attempted destruction of ‘bourgeois’ and reactionary values during the Cultural Revolution in China; and the attempted elimination of individualism by the Khmer Rouge in the Killing Fields of Cambodia. Le Bon saw a crowd as being primarily a psychological phenomenon rather than a physical one (although the two concepts are not necessarily mutually exclusive). He considered that any number of otherwise independent and spatially separate individuals could form a crowd, provided that the members had a common cause. This, of course, confirms the idea that ‘crowd’-type pressures can be found in a large range of groupings. They can, for example, be found in companies, football teams, armies, religious sects and patriotic nation states, as well as riotous mobs. As we shall see, they can also be found in financial markets. Le Bon himself argued that:

The most striking peculiarity presented by a psychological crowd is the following: whoever be the individuals that compose it, however like or unlike their mode of life, their occupations, their character, or their intelligence, the fact that they have been transformed into a crowd puts them in possession of a sort of collective mind that makes them feel, think, and act in a manner quite different from that in which each individual of them would feel, think, and act were he in a state of isolation . . .What really takes place [in the formation of a crowd] is a combination followed by the creation of new characteristics, just as in chemistry certain elements, when brought into contact . . . combine to form a new body possessing properties quite different from those of the bodies that have served to form it.

This profound insight into the nature of crowds used two important concepts: 

a crowd is something other than the sum of its parts – in particular, a crowd has an effective ‘mind’ of its own; 

each individual’s behaviour is altered by their membership of a crowd. 

These two concepts are now central to the general theory of group behaviour. Within this theory, the phenomenon of the crowd presents itself as a special, and extreme, case.

THE GROUP’S ABILITY TO ORGANIZE ITSELF

From the group’s point of view, it is crucial to its own autonomy that it can ‘organize’ its own membership. This is the only way that energy can be directed towards the overall objectives of the group. Such ‘self’-organization operates through the group’s belief system. To be a member of a group, an individual has to accept uncritically the same beliefs as other members of the group. In 1961, the psychoanalyst Wilfred Bion proposed that these beliefs were ‘basic assumptions’ held by group members. In 1976, Richard Dawkins called the beliefs/assumptions ‘memes’. A meme is a simple, self-replicating idea (or habit, or feeling, or sense of things) that spreads from mind to mind. The presence of a particular meme does not necessarily exclude other memes, so a group member can belong to more than one group. However, whatever term might be used for the commonly held beliefs, group members will necessarily suppress behaviour that might cause them to be excluded from the group. In other words, a person’s individuality – or self-assertiveness – will be modified by group membership. This situation obviously means two things:

the more intense is the integrative pull of a group, the less is the degree of individuality that is allowed.

 it is the like-mindedness of group members that gives the group its cohesion.

A group therefore organizes its members via a unifying belief system. In this way, a group becomes something more than just the sum of its parts and group members will reveal a sense of altruism towards one another in the context of group activity. Hence – whether they overtly recognize it or not – group members will act in the interests of the group as a whole.

MIND AS A DYNAMIC PRINCIPLE

This analysis has necessarily been very brief and hardly does justice to the concepts involved. Nevertheless, we now have the tools to enable us to look a little more closely at the idea of a group ‘mind’. This idea is not an easy one either to grasp or to convey. Part of the difficulty lies in our language itself. As commonly used, the word ‘mind’ is taken to refer to that part of the physical structure of the brain that is capable of self-aware, rational thought. According to this view, people have minds, but animals do not. However, this usage not only ignores the role of the so-called ‘subconscious’ mind, but assumes that the physical structure of the brain is identical to, and provides the defining limits for, the inner processes of the mind.

The best way to understand the difference between the concept of ‘brain’ and the concept of ‘mind’ is to recognize that the brain is the structure, while the mind is the processing capabilities that are originated within that structure. Importantly, however, the processes of the mind are not confined to the boundaries established by the physical brain: laterally, the processes extend through the living body, dealing with automatic functions, physical movement and emotions; and, vertically, they extend (layer upon layer) into the depths of the personality. These processes are known generically as ‘mentation’.

The essential point to grasp at this stage is that mentation is primafacie evidence of the phenomenon of life. This was the profound insight of the great philosopher and biologist Gregory Bateson. Bateson found that exactly the same characteristics that define mentation in the human brain can be found both in all the other processes of the human body and in every aspect of nature. Mentation is actually a logical process – a single dynamic blueprint – that is the very hallmark of life on this planet. It does not, therefore, have to be encased in any particular physical structure and, conceptually, can extend beyond all physical structures. The difference between mentation in the human mind and mentation in other aspects of nature is in the quality, or depth, of consciousness. Only human mentation allows for thinking to be aware of itself.

Bateson’s own criteria for the existence of mind (that is, the existence of ‘life’) in any system were essentially four-fold, namely:

the ability to control functions that are internal to the system;

the ability of the system to process information;

the presence of fluctuations in the processing of that information;

the existence of a continuous exchange of energy and information between  the system and its environment.

As we shall see, these criteria produce some very important insights into human behaviour.

THE GROUP MIND

Bateson’s criteria for the existence of mind extended the concept to include all aspects of the living universe and, it may be said, added an important new dimension both to the conclusions of the New Physics and to the framework of the scientific process. Hence, the concept of mind can be used not only to describe the phenomenon of life, but also to describe and explain any particular ‘unit’ of life. It can be found in both the most simple and the most complicated of processes. In terms of human society, it can be found in the dynamics of people’s relationships with one another: it can be found in a small group of people, in a physical crowd, in a nation state or in a whole culture. An individual’s mind may (in a non-self-assertive state) be regarded as a subsystem of a greater whole. Each whole, in turn, has a ‘collective mind’ that organizes its own parts. From this analysis we could say that each and every human grouping may be said to have a collective consciousness.

THE TRIUNE HUMAN BRAIN

As already observed, however, the collective consciousness of a human grouping is qualitatively different from the consciousness of an individual human being. The former is essentially simplistic and is not usually recognized, while the latter is not fully understood, even though it is accepted. The essential difference between the two phenomena is that a group does not have the ability to be aware of its own existence, whereas an individual does have such an ability. And it is this difference that is so important to our study of the influence of a crowd. The fact is that, as described by Le Bon, crowd behaviour involves a dramatic suppression of self-awareness by individuals and an increase in the power of the group entity that is, by definition, not self-aware in the first place. The ‘total’ quality of consciousness therefore deteriorates. As Scott Peck put it, ‘groups are, from a psychological standpoint, less than the sum of the parts’.

We can isolate two aspects to this important phenomenon. First, when an individual adopts a group belief, then, by definition, they also accept a reduction in self-awareness. This is so because the boundaries between the individual and the group become blurred. However, a reduction in self-awareness necessarily happens in all group behaviour. What makes crowd behaviour so distinctive is the degree to which an individual’s self-awareness is suppressed. It seems almost as if there is a switch somewhere in the brain that flicks self-awareness to ‘off’ whenever a crisis arises.

This brings us to the second aspect of the deterioration in the quality of consciousness that accompanies the crowd phenomenon. There does seem to be something of a fault-line within the structure of the human brain. The problem stems from the fact that the brain consists of three main processing areas that can, to some extent, operate independently of one another. Each part is structurally and chemically different from the other parts, and appears to have its own intelligence, its own memory and its own separate functions. The brain stem (the innermost part of the brain) is concerned primarily with instinctive behaviour patterns, biological drives and compulsive behaviour. Surrounding this part is the limbic system, which is mainly involved with the recreation of external experiences in the ‘inner’ world, and with emotional activity. Importantly, it is also the area of the brain that is most concerned with group activities. Finally, the neocortex (the outermost part of the brain) deals with the ability both to be aware of the thought process itself, and to anticipate the future and recreate the past. It also contains the areas of the brain (the so-called ‘frontal lobes’) that are most involved with concern for humanity. Because of its three-fold nature, the American neurophysiologist Paul D Maclean has called the human brain the ‘triune’ brain.

THE NEOCORTEX

Of the three areas, it is undoubtedly the neocortex that (among other things) separates humankind from other mammals. The evolutionary history of the neocortex is, however, uncertain. No one really knows when (or how, or why) it first appeared. Current guesswork suggests it developed only during the last 50 million years or so. This compares with more than 150 million years for the limbic system, and more than 250 million years for the brain stem. Importantly, evidence from the evolution of civilization18 suggests that the specific abilities associated with the neocortex have only developed within a very recent period. The modern ego – that is, the tendency of mental processes to organize themselves in such a way as to assert themselves as an independent entity – seems only to have arisen some four thousand (or so) years ago. The ego, therefore, is very young in terms of evolution. We can therefore hypothesize that the operation of the neocortex can easily be overwhelmed for two related reasons:

the neocortex has still not yet been properly integrated with theother two parts of the brain;

the capability of ‘self’-awareness is still likely to give way to morearchaic states of consciousness when an ‘external’ authority is favoured.

THE AMYGDALA

In fact, research by Joseph LeDoux at New York University has found that the main problem almost certainly rests with a tiny part of the human brain known as the ‘amygdala’. The amygdala is a small neural cluster that lies between the brain stem and the limbic system. It is responsible both for storing information about emotional events and for scanning the environment for patterns that match those events. Despite the fact that it is very small (about an inch long), it receives a vast range of inputs from the visual, auditory and olfactory systems, and it connects to innate behaviours and physiological responses via the brain stem. Once aroused, the amygdala immediately triggers an emotional and physiological reaction. The critical point is that the arousal starts before the neocortex has even had a chance to register an incoming signal. If the arousal relates to a threat, and if the threat is significant, then the neocortex has very little chance to intervene. Consequently, we might jump out of the way of an oncoming bus or remove our hand from something hot, and only recognize what has happened after the event.

More generally, once a threat has been perceived and the amygdala has activated an emotional and physiological reaction, the range of potential behaviours tends to narrow down to the fight–flight–freeze complex. Since we all have limited experience, and none of us has access to all the available information, we become acutely aware of what others are doing. This is the trigger for the ‘herd’ instinct in human beings.

The amygdala has been implicated in emotions that generate feelings of well-being, as well as those that are fear-based. The fact remains, however, that its evolutionary function is to enhance survival prospects, and it can be aroused before we even realize it. Perhaps, for many of us, it is too sensitive and needs positive intervention to be ‘retrained’. In the meantime, it is quite obvious that the amygdala is influential in the formation of crowds.

THE RESPONSE TO A THREAT

Significantly, a crowd is most likely to emerge in the presence of a threat of some kind. A group of people can have a common cause, but will not be regarded as a crowd, as such, until a threat appears. A crowd has a certain urgency and immediacy to it, which is not necessarily present in a group. Hence, there are two possibilities:

a number of individuals will feel threatened in some way and then form a crowd;

a group already exists that is then sufficiently threatened to transmute into a crowd.

In either case, it is not fanciful to suggest that crowd members’ emergency amygdala circuits will be triggered. As a result:

group survival needs overwhelm individual self-assertiveness needs;

group beliefs replace personal beliefs;

the influence of the neocortex is overwhelmed by the influence of the brain stem and the limbic system.

Crowds are, accordingly, involved primarily with instincts, biological drives, compulsive behaviour and emotions. Hence, their behaviour is essentially non-rational (and is, in fact, often irrational). To paraphrase Arthur Koestler:

emotion and intellect, faith and reason, [are] at loggerheads. On the one side, [is] the pale cast of rational thought, of logic suspended on a thin thread all too easily broken; on the other, [is] the raging fury of passionately held irrational beliefs, reflected in the holocausts of past and present history.

THE ‘INTELLIGENCE’ OF CROWDS

This certainly helps to explain the popularly held delusion that all members of a crowd are unintelligent: it is not that they are unintelligent as such – it is that their ability to remain self-aware and think logically becomes suppressed in the face of a threat. This is as true of pairs of individuals confronted with a challenge (such as a couple whose child-rearing abilities are criticized) as it is of a large group of people facing a physical threat (such as a military unit under fire).

Whether or not the challenge to a crowd is physical, it almost certainly involves a threat to its underlying belief system. As a result, the strength of this belief system becomes intensified and severe limitations are accordingly imposed on the quality of data that the crowd will recognize as genuine information. Gregory Bateson defined information as ‘differences which make a difference’. A crowd mind can usually only perceive differences that are relatively large and that occur over very short periods of time. In other words, a crowd will only recognize obvious changes. Slow changes can be observed only by the lengthy process of continually, and rationally, scanning all the potentially relevant data. Crowds are incapable of such analysis: they think in terms of simple images and communicate with slogans. As they emerge in times of crisis, they are all too often the main vehicle for historical ‘progress’.

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Forecast Financial Markets,

Anthony Plummer

Friday, October 27, 2023

The Real Problem with the National Defense Authorization Act

The Real Problem with the National Defense Authorization Act

For each of the past forty-eight years, Congress has passed the misnamed National Defense Authorization Act to set forth the budget of the Defense Department. President Obama just signed into law the latest version of the NDAA, but not without some controversy. The House originally passed this 1145-page bill (H.R.1540) back on May 26 by a vote of 322-96. Only six Republicans voted against the bill (Justin Amash, John Campbell, Jason Chaffetz, John Duncan, Tom McClintock, & Ron Paul). The 926-page Senate version of the bill (S.1867) was passed on December 1 by a vote of 93-7. Only three Republicans voted against the bill (Tom Coburn, Mike Lee, & Rand Paul). The Senate then incorporated the measure in a now 908-page H.R.1540 as an amendment. The original House bill contained an affirmation in section 1034 that the president has “the authority to detain belligerents,” until “the termination of hostilities,” including persons who “(A) are part of, or are substantially supporting, al-Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners; or (B) have engaged in hostilities or have directly supported hostilities in aid of a nation, organization, or person described in subparagraph (A).” But it is the Senate version that, as amended in two ways, raised such a firestorm of controversy. Conservativereligious, and animal-rights groups were upset with a provision in the Senate bill seen as legalizing sodomy and bestiality in the military. The Senate bill simply says, buried in division A – DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE AUTHORIZATIONS, title V – MILITARY PERSONNEL POLICY, subtitle E – Military Justice and Legal Matters Generally, section 551 – REFORM OF OFFENSES RELATING TO RAPE, SEXUAL ASSAULT, AND OTHER SEXUAL MISCONDUCT UNDER THE UNIFORM CODE OF MILITARY JUSTICE, (d) REPEAL OF SODOMY ARTICLE, that “Section 925 of such title (article 125 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice) is repealed.” This is a reference to title 10, subtitle A, part II, chapter 47, subchapter 10, section 925 of U.S. Code, which states:

(a) Any person subject to this chapter who engages in unnatural carnal copulation with another person of the same or opposite sex or with an animal is guilty of sodomy. Penetration, however slight, is sufficient to complete the offense. (b) Any person found guilty of sodomy shall by punished as a court-martial may direct. Section 125 of the UCMJ adds this explanation: It is unnatural carnal copulation for a person to take into that person’s mouth or anus the sexual organ of another person or of an animal; or to place that person’s sexual organ in the mouth or anus of another person or of an animal; or to have carnal copulation in any opening of the body, except the sexual parts, with another person; or to have carnal copulation with an animal. The Senate bill also directed that the two other mentions of sodomy in U.S. Code title 10, subtitle A, part II, chapter 47, subchapter 8, section 843, and subchapter 10, section 918, be excised. Civil libertarians of all stripes were upset with a provision in the Senate bill that would codify the power of the president to use the military to indefinitely intern anyone, without charges or trial, anywhere in the world – including American citizens on U.S. soil. The most worrisome sections of the bill are found in division A, title X, subtitle D, sections 1031 and 1032. I give here the sections in their entirety because we will return to them later. SEC. 1031. AFFIRMATION OF AUTHORITY OF THE ARMED FORCES OF THE UNITED STATES TO DETAIN COVERED PERSONS PURSUANT TO THE AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF MILITARY FORCE. (a) IN GENERAL. – Congress affirms that the authority of the President to use all necessary and appropriate force pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107–40) includes the authority for the Armed Forces of the United States to detain covered persons (as defined in subsection (b)) pending disposition under the law of war. (b) COVERED PERSONS. – A covered person under this section is any person as follows: (1) A person who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored those responsible for those attacks. (2) A person who was a part of or substantially supported al-Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners, including any person who has committed a belligerent act or has directly supported such hostilities in aid of such enemy forces. (c) DISPOSITION UNDER LAW OF WAR. – The disposition of a person under the law of war as described in subsection (a) may include the following: (1) Detention under the law of war without trial until the end of the hostilities authorized by the Authorization for Use of Military Force.

(2) Trial under chapter 47A of title 10, United States Code (as amended by the Military Commissions Act of 2009 (title XVIII of Public Law 111–84)). (3) Transfer for trial by an alternative court or competent tribunal having lawful jurisdiction. (4) Transfer to the custody or control of the person’s country of origin, any other foreign country, or any other foreign entity. (d) CONSTRUCTION. – Nothing in this section is intended to limit or expand the authority of the President or the scope of the Authorization for Use of Military Force. (e) AUTHORITIES. – Nothing in this section shall be construed to affect existing law or authorities, relating to the detention of United States citizens, lawful resident aliens of the United States or any other persons who are captured or arrested in the United States. (f) REQUIREMENT FOR BRIEFINGS OF CONGRESS. – The Secretary of Defense shall regularly brief Congress regarding the application of the authority described in this section, including the organizations, entities, and individuals considered to be u2018u2018covered persons” for purposes of subsection (b)(2). SEC. 1032. REQUIREMENT FOR MILITARY CUSTODY. (a) CUSTODY PENDING DISPOSITION UNDER LAW OF WAR. – (1) IN GENERAL. – Except as provided in paragraph (4), the Armed Forces of the United States shall hold a person described in paragraph (2) who is captured in the course of hostilities authorized by the Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107–40) in military custody pending disposition under the law of war. (2) COVERED PERSONS. – The requirement in paragraph (1) shall apply to any person whose detention is authorized under section 1031 who is determined – (A) to be a member of, or part of, al-Qaeda or an associated force that acts in coordination with or pursuant to the direction of al-Qaeda; and (B) to have participated in the course of planning or carrying out an attack or attempted attack against the United States or its coalition partners.

(3) DISPOSITION UNDER LAW OF WAR. – For purposes of this subsection, the disposition of a person under the law of war has the meaning given in section 1031(c), except that no transfer otherwise described in paragraph (4) of that section shall be made unless consistent with the requirements of section 1033. (4) WAIVER FOR NATIONAL SECURITY. – The Secretary of Defense may, in consultation with the Secretary of State and the Director of National Intelligence, waive the requirement of paragraph (1) if the Secretary submits to Congress a certification in writing that such a waiver is in the national security interests of the United States. (b) APPLICABILITY TO UNITED STATES CITIZENS AND LAWFUL RESIDENT ALIENS. – (1) UNITED STATES CITIZENS. – The requirement to detain a person in military custody under this section does not extend to citizens of the United States. (2) LAWFUL RESIDENT ALIENS. – The requirement to detain a person in military custody under this section does not extend to a lawful resident alien of the United States on the basis of conduct taking place within the United States, except to the extent permitted by the Constitution of the United States. (c) IMPLEMENTATION PROCEDURES. – (1) IN GENERAL. – Not later than 60 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President shall issue, and submit to Congress, procedures for implementing this section. (2) ELEMENTS. – The procedures for implementing this section shall include, but not be limited to, procedures as follows: (A) Procedures designating the persons authorized to make determinations under subsection (a)(2) and the process by which such determinations are to be made. (B) Procedures providing that the requirement for military custody under subsection (a)(1) does not require the interruption of ongoing surveillance or intelligence gathering with regard to persons not already in the custody or control of the United States. (C) Procedures providing that a determination under subsection (a)(2) is not required to be implemented until after the conclusion of an interrogation session which is ongoing at the time the determination is made and does not require the interruption of any such ongoing session.

(D) Procedures providing that the requirement for military custody under subsection (a)(1) does not apply when intelligence, law enforcement, or other government officials of the United States are granted access to an individual who remains in the custody of a third country. (E) Procedures providing that a certification of national security interests under subsection (a)(4) may be granted for the purpose of transferring a covered person from a third country if such a transfer is in the interest of the United States and could not otherwise be accomplished. (d) EFFECTIVE DATE. – This section shall take effect on the date that is 60 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, and shall apply with respect to persons described in subsection (a)(2) who are taken into the custody or brought under the control of the United States on or after that effective date. FBI Director Robert Mueller, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper have all publicly opposed the bill. All three wrote letters to Congress on the matter. Mueller wrote that the “presumption of military detention” would “inhibit our ability to convince arrestees to cooperate.” Panetta warned that the bill “imposes a whole new restraint on the flexibility we need to pursue our counterterrorism efforts.” A group of twenty-six retired generals and admirals wrote to senators that the new provisions in the NDAA would “do more harm than good.” Thirty-two Democratic members of Congress sent their own letter to the House and Senate Armed Services Committee leaders in protest of these provisions, saying: The Senate-passed version of the NDAA, S. 1867, contains Section 1031, which authorizes indefinite military detention of suspected terrorists without protecting U.S. citizens’ right to trial. We are deeply concerned that this provision could undermine the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth amendment rights of U.S. citizens who might be subjects of detention or prosecution by the military. One signer of the letter, Rep. Martin Heinrich, stated: “These provisions are deeply concerning and would risk putting American citizens in military detention, indefinitely. In short, this authority is at complete odds with the United States Constitution.” The ACLU urged the president to veto the bill. The New York Times editorialized against the bill. A contributor to Forbes maintained that the NDAA is “the greatest threat to civil liberties Americans face.” Republican representative Justin Amash termed the bill “one of the most anti-liberty pieces of legislation in our lifetime.”

Republican senator Rand Paul said: “If you allow the government the unlimited power to detain citizens without a jury trial, you are exposing yourself to the whim of those in power. That is a dangerous game.” Paul, as mentioned, was one of only three Republican senators to vote against the bill. The other warmongering, police statist Senate Republicans are typified by Lindsey Graham, who stated: “It is not unfair to make an American citizen account for the fact that they decided to help Al Qaeda to kill us all and hold them as long as it takes to find intelligence about what may be coming next. And when they say, u2018I want my lawyer,’ you tell them, u2018Shut up. You don’t get a lawyer.'” The version of the NDAA just signed into law by President Obama is a result of a conference committee between the House and the Senate to work out a compromise on their version of H.R.1540. The House passed the final measure on December 14 by a vote of 283-136. The Republican vote was 190-43. The Senate approved the final measure on December 15 by a vote of 86-13. But this time Republican senators Coburn, Lee, and Paul were joined by senators Mike Crapo, Jim DeMint, and James Risch. So, what became of the sodomy and indefinite detention provisions? The Senate attempt to strip the sodomy language out of the UCMJ was turned back by the House. According to the conference report (H.REPT. 112–329): The Senate amendment contained a provision (sec. 551) that would amend section 920 of title 10, United States Code (Article 120 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ)), to separate Article 120, UCMJ, into three separate articles applying to the offenses of rape and sexual assault, sexual offenses against children; and other non-consensual sexual misconduct offenses. The provision would also repeal section 125 of title 10, United States Code (Article 125 of the UCMJ), the offense of sodomy. The House bill contained no similar provision. The House recedes with an amendment that would delete the repeal of section 125 of title 10, United States Code (Article 125 of the UCMJ). But regarding the dangerous provisions in sections 1031 and 1032, the Senate bill won out. According to the conference report: The House bill contained a provision (sec. 1034) that would affirm that the United States is engaged in an armed conflict with al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and associated forces.

The Senate amendment contained a provision (sec. 1031) that would affirm the authority of the Armed Forces of the United States to detain certain covered persons pursuant to the Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107–40). The provision would not affect existing law or authorities relating to the detention of United States citizens, lawful resident aliens of the United States, or any other persons who are captured or arrested in the United States. The House recedes. The original language in S.1867 is thus retained verbatim in the new version of the NDAA. And regarding section 1032, the conference report says: The Senate amendment contained a provision (sec. 1032) that would require military custody for foreign al-Qaeda terrorists who are captured in the course of hostilities authorized by the Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107–40), subject to a national security waiver. Under the provision, the President would have broad authority to issue implementation procedures, including but not limited to deciding who makes a determination of coverage, how the determination is made, and when it is made. The House bill contained no similar provision. The House recedes with an amendment providing that nothing in this provision shall be construed to affect the existing criminal enforcement and national security authorities of the Federal Bureau of Investigation or any other domestic law enforcement agency with regard to a covered person, regardless whether such covered person is held in military custody. The law enforcement and national security tools that would not be affected in any way by this provision include, but would not be limited to, Grand Jury subpoenas, national security letters, and actions pursuant to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (Public Law 95–511). The amendment would also authorize the President, rather than the Secretary of Defense, to waive the requirements of the provision. The conferees note that while section 1021 of this bill would apply to “al Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners,” this section would apply to “al Qaeda or an associated force that acts in coordination with or pursuant to the direction of al Qaeda.” The conferees agree that while the Taliban is covered by section 1021, it is not covered by this section. (It should be noted that the original sections 1031 and 1032 are numbered 1021 and 1022 in the new bill.) So, the main thing that is different about the new version of the NDAA is the insertion of the following paragraph between “Implementation Procedures” and “Effective Date” (d) AUTHORITIES. – Nothing in this section shall be construed to affect the existing criminal enforcement and national security authorities of the Federal Bureau of Investigation or any other domestic law enforcement agency with regard to a covered person, regardless whether such covered person is held in military custody. There are only two other changes. Under (a)(4) “Waiver for National Security,” instead of the secretary of defense submitting a wavier to Congress it is the president. And under (c)(2)(C), there is an inconsequential change in wording. An “interrogation session” is now called just an “interrogation.” I rarely agree with Democratic members of the House of Representatives, but Rep. Alcee Hastings from my state of Florida, during debate in the House over the conference report, gets it right it: This legislation establishes an authority for open-ended war anywhere in the world and against anyone. It commits us to seeing a “terrorist” in anyone who ever criticizes the United States in any country, including this one. The lack of definitions as to what constitutes “substantial support” and “associated forces” of al Qaeda and the Taliban mean that anyone could be accused of terrorism. While this measure includes an exemption for United States citizens, it does not protect them from indefinite detention. In one fell swoop, we have set up a situation where American citizens could have their Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Eighth Amendment rights violated on mere suspicions. We won’t defeat terrorism by using the military to lock up innocent people for the rest of their lives on the mere suspicion of wrongdoing. We will not defeat terrorism by claiming the entire world as a battlefield. And we will not defeat terrorism by replacing our rule of law with reckless, uncontrolled, and unaccountable powers. Likewise, here are the comments of consistent war opponent Rep. Dennis Kucinich: Mr. Speaker, this bill authorizes permanent warfare anywhere in the world. It gives the President unchecked power to pursue war. It diminishes the role of this Congress. This legislation authorizes the military to indefinitely detain individuals without charge or trial, including the detention of U.S. citizens on U.S. soil. In short, what this bill does is it takes a wrecking ball to the United States Constitution and gives enormous power to the government or the State. In his article, “Three Myths about the Detention Bill,” civil libertarian par excellence Glenn Greenwald concludes: In sum, there is simply no question that this bill codifies indefinite detention without trial (Myth 1). There is no question that it significantly expands the statutory definitions of the War on Terror and those who can be targeted as part of it (Myth 2). The issue of application to U.S. citizens (Myth 3) is purposely muddled – that’s why Feinstein’s amendments were rejected – and there is consequently no doubt this bill can and will be used by the U.S. Government (under this President or a future one) to bolster its argument that it is empowered to indefinitely detention even U.S. citizens without a trial. But as correct and necessary as they are, the objections of civil libertarians regarding the indefinite detention of American citizens that the NDAA codifies, are not the real problem with the bill. Much more insidious is the bill itself and the $669 billion it allocates for “defense” spending. In the “Constitutional Authority Statement” that accompanies H.R.1540, the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, Buck McKeon (R-CA), has the audacity to say: Congress has the power to enact this legislation pursuant to the following: The constitutional authority on which this bill rests is the power of Congress to “provide for the common defense,” “raise and support armies,” and “provide and maintain a navy,” as enumerated in Article I, Section 8 of the United States Constitution. The U.S. military is used to provide disaster relief, dispense humanitarian aid, supply peacekeepers, enforce UN resolutions, launch preemptive strikes, nation build, spread goodwill, change regimes, eradicate drugs, rebuild infrastructure, contain communism, open markets, keep oil pipelines flowing, revive public services, establish schools, train foreign armies, invade foreign countries, occupy foreign countries, spread democracy, kill tens of thousands of people that were no threat to the United States, and secure the borders, guard the shores, patrol the coasts, enforce no-fly zones in the skies, and otherwise defend other countries. I doubt that the Framers of the Constitution envisioned any of these things when they said: “provide for the common defense,” “raise and support armies,” and “provide and maintain a navy.” The purpose of the military has been perverted beyond all recognition. Because the military spends more for offense than defense, that the defense budget is actually for defense is clearly a myth. Another myth is that defense spending keeps us safe. The United States spends more on defense than the rest of the world combined. It maintains an empire of over 1,000 foreign military bases and hundreds of thousands of troops in 150 countries and territories around the globe. The United States is the policeman, fireman, social worker, security guard, mediator, and babysitter of the world. It has “entangling alliances” with many countries that require it to go to war and expend blood and treasure in defense of other nations. But as Congressman Ron Paul, speaking recently on Face the Nation, maintained: “Those troops overseas aggravate our enemies, motivate our enemies. I think it’s a danger to national defense, and we can save a lot of money cutting out the military expenditures that contribute nothing to our defense.” Yet another myth about the defense budget is that it is the only thing spent on defense. As economic historian Robert Higgs has shown, real defense spending is actually about $1 trillion. Still another myth is that the defense budget includes spending on wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Here is a list of U.S. spending on these foreign wars through fiscal year 2010 that was in addition to the defense budget:

  • FY2001 Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act for Recovery from and Response to Terrorist Attacks on the United States, P.L. 107-38 9/18/01, $13.9 billion
  • FY2002 Department of Defense and Emergency Terrorism Response Act, P.L. 107-117, 1/10/02, $3.4 billion
  • FY2002 Emergency Supplemental, P.L. 107-206, 8/2/02, $14.1 billion
  • FY2002 Regular Foreign Operations, P.L. 107-115, 1/10/02, $0.2 billion
  • FY2003 Consolidated Appropriations, P.L. 108-7, 2/20/03, $10.4 billion
  • FY2003 Emergency Supplemental, P.L. 108-11, 4/16/03, $66.0 billion
  • FY2003 DOD Appropriations, P.L. 107-248, 10/23/02, $7.1 billion
  • FY2004 Emergency Supplemental, P.L. 108-106, 11/6/03, $86.1 billion
  • FY2004 Foreign Operations Appropriations, P.L. 108-199, 1/23/04, $0.5 billion
  • FY2005 DOD Appropriations Act, P.L. 108-287, 8/5/04, $27.8 billion
  • FY2005 Consolidated Appropriations, P.L. 108-447, 12/8/04, $1.0 billion
  • FY2005 Supplemental Appropriations, P.L. 109-13, 5/11/05, $79.0 billion
  • FY2006 Interior & Related Agencies Appropriations, P.L. 109-54, 8/2/05, $0.2 billion
  • FY2006 Foreign Operations Appropriations, P.L. 109-102, 11/14/05, 1.0 billion
  • FY2006 Science, State, & Related Agencies Appropriations Act, P.L. 109-108, 11/22/05, $0.1 billion
  • FY2006 Military Quality of Life & Veterans Affairs, P.L. 109-114 11/30/05, $0.4 billion
  • FY2006 DOD Appropriations Act, P.L. 109-148 12/30/05, $50.8 billion
  • FY2006 Emergency Supplemental, P.L. 109-234 6/15/06, $69.2
  • FY2007 DOD Appropriations Act, P.L. 109-289 9/29/06, $70.5 billion
  • FY2007 Continuing Resolution, P.L. 110-5, 2/15/07, $1.8 billion
  • FY2007 Supplemental, P.L. 110-28, 5/25/07, $98.7 billion
  • FY2008 Continuing Resolution, P.L. 110-92 9/29/07, $5.2 billion
  • FY2008 DOD Appropriations Act, P.L. 110-116, 11/13/07, $11.6 billion
  • FY2008 Consolidated Appropriations Act, P.L. 110-161, 12/26/07, $73.2 billion
  • FY2008 Supplemental Appropriations Act, P.L. 110-252, 6/30/08, $163.2 billion
  • FY2009 Continuing Appropriations Act, P.L. 110-329, 9/30/08, $4.0 billion
  • FY2009 Omnibus Appropriations Act, P.L. 111-8, 3/11/09, $1.1 billion
  • FY2009 Supplemental Appropriations Act, P.L. 111-32, 6/24/09, $82.5 billion
  • FY2010 Consolidated Appropriations Act, P.L. 111-117, 12/16/09, $8.2 billion
  • FY2010 DOD Appropriations Act, Title IX, P.L. 111-118, 12/19/09, $127.3 billion
  • FY2010 Supplemental, P.L. 111-212, 7/27/10, $34.2 billion

The most insidious myth about the defense budget is that it is tool of congressmen to enhance their chances for reelection while lining the pockets of defense contractors. In his book Washington Rules: America’s Path to Permanent War, retired U.S. Army colonel Andrew Bacevich explains: Each year the Pentagon expends hundreds of billions of dollars to raise and support U.S. military forces. This money lubricates American politics, filling campaign coffers and providing a source of largesse – jobs and contracts – for distribution to constituents. It provides lucrative “second careers” for retired U.S. military officers hired by weapons manufacturers or by consulting firms appropriately known as “Beltway Bandits” (p. 228). Two of Old Right journalist John T. Flynn’s eight points he considers to be the main marks of the fascist State are:

  • Militarism is a mainstay of government spending
  • Military spending has imperialist aims

The U.S. economic system is not based on free market capitalism; it is based on that most insidious form of crony capitalism known as military fascism. The NDAA, sans indefinite detention, or in whatever form it is found, is a bill for continued militarism, imperialism, and empire, and a terrible waste of the taxpayers’ money.

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We Need Medical Freedom

We Need Medical Freedom By  Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr. September 16, 2024 In a free society, people have the right to decide what to do with...